Reports that Osama bin Laden, the world's most wanted fugitive with a $50 million U.S. bounty on his head, has broken cover to move around Pakistan and Afghanistan in recent weeks has raised concern he may be planning a new major attack on the West.
The Arab pro-democracy revolts have toppled Presidents Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt and currently threaten President Ali Abdullah of Yemen, where al-Qaida is particularly active, and Moammar Gadhafi of Libya.
Trouble is brewing too in the Persian Gulf, where Saudi Arabia and its regional allies have dispatched troops to the island kingdom of Bahrain to support the Sunni monarchy against protesters.
Many see the hand of Shiite Iran in the swelling gulf violence, with toppling the U.S.-allied monarchy of Saudi Arabia, one of the world's leading oil producers, as the ultimate target.
These uprisings, stirred in part by economic hardship and demands for greater political freedoms from authoritarian regimes, weren't connected in any way to al-Qaida nor were the upheavals in Egypt, Syria, Jordan or North Africa.
But it may be more than coincidence that both Shiite Iran and al-Qaida, which comprises Sunni militants who embrace the extremist Salafist ideology of Islam, should find common cause in seeking the downfall of such regimes from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean.
This suspicion is deepened by the indication that the key figures within al-Qaida who have engineered this apparent major shift in strategy include several top lieutenants of bin Laden who until a few months ago were in Iran.
They include jihadist ideologue Suleiman Abu al-Gaith, bin Laden's former spokesman, and operational commander Said al-Adel.
According to Syed Saleem Shahzad, Pakistan bureau chief of Asia Times Online who has unusual access to Islamist leaders in Pakistan allied with al-Qaida, Gaith and Adel overcame diehard jihadists who favored polarizing the Muslim world, a school of thought widely criticized by Islamic scholars and mainstream theologians.
"This appears to be the beginning of a new era for a broader struggle in which al-Qaida, through its Lashkar al-Zil (Shadow Army) will try to capitalize on the Arab revolts and the Palestinian struggle and also revitalize and redefine its role in Afghanistan," Shahzad wrote.
"While fears attached to bin Laden's unprecedented visibility and movement for a grand al-Qaida operation cannot completely be dismissed, it is more possible that al-Qaida will undertake both worldwide terror operations and join forces with mainstream Muslim groups."
The reports of bin Laden's treks across the Hindu Kush regions of Pakistan and Afghanistan in recent weeks came from intelligence sources in those countries and Saudi Arabia.
Hard evidence of bin Laden's whereabouts has been in extremely short supply for years, although it was widely believed he was holed up in the tribal areas of northwestern Pakistan with his Egyptian deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri.
But in recent weeks, Shahzad reported, "intelligence officials believe they have top-grade accounts, as they come from the inner circles of militant camps.
"Officials are said to be 'stunned' by the visibility of bin Laden's movements and their frequency, in a matter of a few weeks."
These were unprecedented since bin Laden vanished into Pakistan after narrowly escaping capture by the Americans at Tora Bora in Afghanistan in late 2001.
His mysterious perambulations may indeed indicate he's up to something.
But if it's aimed at hooking up with the new revolutionaries of the Arab world it remains difficult to see how al-Qaida can exploit the Arab uprisings that were apparently ignited by non-jihadists.
These were overwhelmingly ordinary citizens fed up with high food prices, unemployment, state tyranny and a complete lack of political freedom, rather than inspired by the extremist ideology of bin Laden and Zawahiri.
Despite what Gadhafi says, there's been no evidence jihadists played any role in the uprising against him. He had, in fact, effectively crushed them.
But al-Qaida documents captured by U.S. forces in Iraq in 2007 showed that more Libyan jihadists fought there than any other non-Iraqi Arab group.
Where are those men now?
Somalian terrorists might be among us
They could be the people on the bus seat across the aisle, or the neighbors: members of East African groups that a recently released government memorandum says are “ready to die for the cause.”
The FBI and Homeland Security Department don’t know where they all are. And it’s unclear if they know how many arrived.
But in a rare admission, a Justice Department memo and other documents obtained by the San Antonio Express-News say federal authorities know terror suspects are in this country and know who allegedly helped bring them here through Mexico and Texas: a Somali man in custody near San Antonio.
Last year, Houston-area news outlets reported that homeland security issued a vague bulletin to Texas law enforcement to be on the lookout for Mohamed Ali, a purported member of Somalia-based Al-Shabaab, which has aligned itself with al-Qaida and Osama Bin Laden.
The government in 2008 designated Al-Shabaab a terror organization. It’s part of an insurgency determined to set up an Islamic theocracy in Somalia and has made statements about its intent to harm the United States.
Locally, the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force has been trying to retrace the steps and untangle the contacts of Ahmed Muhammed Dhakane.
He has been in the custody of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement since entering the country from Mexico through Brownsville in March 2008 and later applying for asylum.
His case resulted from an earlier, unspecified terrorism investigation, records show.
Newly released public documents label Dhakane, 24, a “national security risk” and paint him as a facilitator of groups accused of funding terrorism. They also allege he smuggled potential terrorists here.
On Nov. 2, Dhakane pleaded guilty in San Antonio to two federal false statement charges: He admitted he mischaracterized how he entered the United States, and that he falsely claimed a woman was his wife so she also could enter the United States. He’s to be sentenced April 28.
But though he admitted lying to get into the country, Dhakane denied the more serious charges and is fighting the government’s claim that he was a former member of al-Barakat and Al-Ittihad Al-Islami, two groups listed by U.S. authorities as “Specially Designated Global Terrorists,” or SDGT.
Dhakane also scoffed when federal prosecutor Mark Roomberg told a judge in November that he had smuggled through Texas, or tried to smuggle, several East Africans with similar terrorism links.
Authorities declined to comment because Dhakane has not been sentenced. But in a memorandum obtained by the Express-News, the government seeks at least 20 years in prison for Dhakane, saying FBI agents caught him on tape boasting that he made as much as $75,000 in one day by smuggling Somalis.
And the memo said the subsequent statements Dhakane made to agents and in immigration court also helped identify him as a critical component in funding radical Islamic groups in Somalia, and as an unscrupulous smuggler.
“He admits that he knowingly believed he was smuggling violent jihadists into the United States with the full knowledge that if the decision was made by (the SDGT groups) ... these jihadists would commit violent acts in and against the United States,” the memorandum states.
Links to jihadists?
Neither Dhakane nor his federal public defender responded to interview requests.
“He was only convicted of the lesser offense of making false statements to federal authorities and none of the more serious acts,” noted Jeffrey Addicott, director of the Center for Terrorism Law at St. Mary’s University School of Law. “This fact reflects the policy of our government to essentially prosecute as early as possible regarding any hints of terror plots.”
He said, “On the other hand, there are obviously many untraced and probably untraceable individuals that have entered the U.S. from his efforts. Bottom line is that this case reflects the reality of how easy it is to enter the U.S. through the southern border and the fact that radical Islamic extremists have entered the nation and will continue to do so.”
Dhakane told FBI agents that he served as a “hawaladar,” a mover of funds outside the normal banking system, for al-Barakat. The government memo cites Dhakane’s asylum proceedings and said he worked for al-Barakat from 1997 through 2002, serving as director of money exchange and as a customer relations counselor.
Published reports say some officials have called Al-Barakat a Somali-based business conglomerate but former U.S. Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill called it one of the “financiers of terrorism.”
He also worked for Al-Ittihad Al-Islami, or AIAI, a now-defunct money transfer entity suspected by American officials of helping help fund terrorism, the memo states.
Before the 9-11 attacks, Somalis sent millions of dollars to their home country and Dhakane told agents he processed many such transactions, some in excess of $100,000.
“The defendant told agents that he was personally responsible for ensuring that the money went to the appropriate AIAI sheikh or cleric, thereby earning their trust,” the memo said. “After 9-11, the defendant stated that the Somalis structured their money transfers to be $3,500 or less to avoid detection by the U.S. government.”
The memo said Dhakane was a human smuggler based in Brazil from June 2006 through March 2008, using a network of corrupt officials to get travel documents to move East Africans to the United States and other countries and teaching his clients how to make false asylum claims.
Among them were members of AIAI and the Islamic Courts, the clerical wing of the Somali insurgency.
They’re all the same to Dhakane, the memo says — he “does not distinguish between AIAI, the Council of Islamic Courts and the Al-Shbaab in that essentially the same individuals make up all three groups and only the U.S. government tries to classify them into different groups.”
Somewhere in U.S.
Five of Dhakane’s clients are listed in the memo — Mohamded Ma’alin, Mohammed Ereg, aka “Idris,” Hassan Yare and two whose last names authorities didn’t know: Adani and Abirizak, aka “Al Qaeda.”
Three of them are known to have entered the U.S., according to the memo.
• The document said Dhakane turned over Ma’alin to another smuggler, but he only made it as far as Bolivia.
• Dhakane smuggled Yare from Brazil to the United Kingdom, the memo states. It says Yare was a fighter and member of the Shiirkoole Islamic Courts, a division of the Islamic Courts.
• Adani, a supporter of the Islamic Courts, made it into the United States, but the memo doesn’t specify his current whereabouts.
• Ereg, who was an AIAI member, also is somewhere in the United States, the memo said, although it’s unclear how he got here. He paid Dhakane $2,000 but at first was sent back to Brazil upon arriving in Guatemala, the memo said.
• Finally, Dhakane helped smuggle Abirizak, a low-level operative for the Islamic Courts, to California, the memo said.
“Dhakane knew these were AIAI/Al Shabbaab supporters or fighters based on his conversations with them,” the memo said. “When asked to clarify this statement, the defendant stated that all of individuals are ready to die for the cause. Dhakane stated he did not know their exact reason for wanting to enter the United States, but cautioned that he believed they would fight against the U.S. if the jihad moved from overseas locations to the U.S. mainland.”
Somalia has been in chaos for decades. In 1991, opposing factions drove its president, Maj. Gen. Mohamed Siad Barre, out of power, resulting in the complete collapse of the central government and banking system.
The continuing violence and civil strife have driven more Somalis to other countries, including Yemen, Brazil and the United States.Since asylum cases are confidential, it’s unclear what persecution Dhakane claims he would be subject to if he’s returned to Somalia. However, Dhakane could end up stuck in immigration limbo because he might not be able to be deported there, immigration lawyers say.
“At the moment, it’s almost impossible for someone to be returned there,” said Jonathan Ryan, executive director of San Antonio’s RAICES, the Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services. “Since there is effectively no government in Somalia, there is no ability to create travel documents. If U.S. officials deem a person a security risk, indefinite detention can happen.”
Alert Issued After Security Incident On Camp Pendleton after 3 Middle Eastern Men Tried To Enter Base Without Proper Authorization, Base Alert Says
One of the nation's largest military bases is reportedly under tighter security after three Middle Eastern men tried to enter without proper authorization.
10News learned the three men -- 40-year-old Afghani Ahmad Rahmani Naeem, 41-year-old Iranian Vahik Petrossian and 27-year-old Iranian Sengekdi Norvik Avanosian -- attempted to get into Camp Pendleton last weekend under what was considered suspicious circumstances.
On Wednesday, base officials said there was no threat, but others on the base told 10News security has been stepped up.
According to a Be On the Lookout (BOLO) alert issued to high-ranking Camp Pendleton officials, someone reported hearing hateful comments and terrorist threats from three men at a gas station in Oceanside Saturday.
Investigators at Camp Pendleton said the men asked the attendant for directions on how to get to Camp Pendleton before they left the gas station.
According to the alert, shortly after midnight Sunday, a rented silver Toyota Corolla driven by Naeem attempted to enter Camp Pendleton through the main gate. As it was being searched, Petrossian and Avanosian drove up in a black Mercedes, but were told to wait. Instead, they continued past the gate and onto the base. Following a short pursuit, the Mercedes was stopped and searched.
No weapons or contraband were found in the Mercedes, but base security noticed the air bag in the steering wheel of the Mercedes had been pulled out and re-attached with duct tape and had wires hanging free, the alert said.
According to the alert, Naaem told base security he was lost and was trying to go to Glendale. When interviewed, Petrossian and Avanosian said they were lost and trying to go to Glendale. The three men claimed not to know each other, the alert said.
Naaem, Petrossian and Avanosian were photographed and released after questioning, and a warning about the trio was posted to law enforcement.
However, later that morning about 8:30 a.m., Naeem returned in the Toyota and tried to get on the base again, saying he made a mistake and was trying to enter Interstate 5, the alert said. After his vehicle was searched, Naeem was issued a letter of debarment from the base and escorted to the freeway.
Since the incident, 10News learned high-ranking Camp Pendleton officials have notified other military bases and law enforcement of a potential threat.
According to a local security expert, that comes with good reason.
"I think after 9/11, anybody on any government facility should be worried," local expert John told 10News.
John, who does undercover security and anti-terrorism work for Eagle Eye Security Solutions, did not want to be identified.
He told 10News the Camp Pendleton incident sounds like a possible probe or dry run and said their visits raise a few red flags.
"Number one: they went on base twice. Their stories didn't stick, kinda wishy washy. Number two: the vehicle, the condition of the vehicle," said John. "They could have been probing the security, not just cameras, sensors, individual security from MPs. Three: [they] could have wanted to know what background checks would have produced."
A criminal background check on the trio conducted by the Department of Homeland Security found no "derogatory records" for the men. Additionally, the U.S. Border Patrol said the immigration statuses for the three men were confirmed and they did not appear on any terrorist watch databases.
Retired Lt. Col. Thomas Richards, who has seen many BOLO notifications during his service, told 10News, "BOLOS are fairly common. This has significance because Middle Eastern people were trying to get on a U.S. military active base."
Richards said the base holds many targets.
"They could have done a lot of damage ... to people, equipment, the base itself. There’s the Camp Pendleton airfield, lots of helicopters there, any number of barracks, repair facilities, industrial buildings, the Camp Pendleton Naval Hospital," Richards said.
He said the incidents may be a coincidence, but the military can't take a risk.
"It could have been an intelligence reconnaissance mission for them to look around the base and see what there is there to do damage to," said Richards.
Camp Pendleton base officials issued a statement, saying in part: "After further investigation, it was determined that the individuals involved were not a threat to MCB Camp Pendleton or any other military installation in the area. MCB Camp Pendleton officials are not investigating these incidents further."
13 Illegal Immigrants Arrested in California Wearing U.S. Marine Uniforms
The Camp Pendletion incident occured in the wake of another incident after a report that Border Patrol agents recently arrested 13 illegal immigrants disguised as U.S. Marines and riding in a fake military van, U.S. Customs and Border Protection said March 22.
The illegal immigrants were clad in Marine uniforms when they were apprehended at the Campo Border Patrol Westbound I-8 checkpoint at 11 p.m. on March 14 near Pine Valley, Calif., border officials said. Two U.S. citizens in the van also were arrested.
After the suspicious white van was subjected to secondary inspection, it was determined that the driver of the vehicle and its front seat passenger were U.S. citizens who were attempting to smuggle 13 illegal immigrants into the United States. All of the vehicle's occupants wore U.S. Marine uniforms, reportedly emblazoned with the name "Perez."
"This effort is an example of the lengths smugglers will go to avoid detection, and the skilled and effective police work and vigilance displayed everyday by Customs and Border Protection personnel," the agency said in a written statement.
The van used in the smuggling attempt, according to California's El Centro Border Intelligence Center, was a privately owned vehicle registered out of Yucca Valley, Calif., and was bearing stolen government plates that had been defaced. The center digit -- 0 -- was altered to read as an 8. Further research through multiple government agencies determined that the plate belonged to a one-ton cargo van registered to the U.S. Marine Corps.
The military referred inquiries back to Customs and Border Protection.
The van entered into the United States via Mexicali, Mexico, and proceeded to Calexico, Calif., where the U.S. Marine uniforms were donned, according to Homeland Security Today.
The Campo Border Station was constructed in June 2008 and is located roughly 28 miles east of San Diego Sector Headquarters in rural East San Diego County. It is responsible for securing approximately 13.1 linear miles of the U.S.-Mexico border and 417 square miles of surrounding territory. An estimated 7,000 vehicles pass through its two checkpoints daily, according to its website.
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